One of the common misconceptions about the stagnant development of African countries (and here I'm separating socio-economic and political development from raw economic growth) is that they were set up for failure by colonial powers, be it the United Kingdom, France, Spain or Portugal. The argument is that the systems, institutions and laws/policies put into place have somehow 'handicapped' African countries and prevented them from progressing in 'their own way'. We hear about the 'Nigerian' or 'Ghanaian' or 'Ugandan' way of doing something, as if those countries existed in their present forms before colonization!
Of course, these are merely excuses for poor fiscal management, ridiculously high levels of corruption and lack of infrastructure development, primarily around education, healthcare, transportation networks, security and energy (electrical power, in particular).
Recently I decided to visit the Bahamas, a trip influenced by the fact that my fiancee is from there. She had talked up the Bahamas before our visit, and I knew a lot about the history of the country, including its reputation as the 'Luxembourg' of the Caribbean (assuming the Cayman Islands is the 'Switzerland', and Turks & Caicos the 'Liechtenstein'). My historical knowledge and personal ties to the Bahamas could not prepare me for the level of development (again, not just economic!) that I witnessed. The road networks were fantastic, power was as regular as anywhere else in the developed world, the hospitals and schools looked to be top-notch; and the roads were well maintained. In its makeup, is the Bahamas really that different from any African country?
Pondering political and infrastructure development issues facing people of African descent all over the world, with a focus on subsaharan Africa.
Friday, March 30, 2012
Friday, March 2, 2012
The Confounding Legacy of an African Freedom Fighter
Nelson Mandela.
Robert Mugabe.
Emeka Ojukwu.
All freedom fighters. Men who are revered by their followers. Men who at their peak were hated but importantly, respected by their enemies. Men who impacted their countries and indeed, the world. What is their legacy?
Nelson Mandela had to be hospitalized last week and was treated to a hero's welcome upon his return home. The eulogies that have poured in for him - even in life - exceed those of several statesmen who have passed on. You can imagine that his death, whenever that is, will be mourned globally. Yet this is a man who at the height of his freedom fighting was plotting to blow up installations and destroy the country's economy in a bid to end apartheid. Today, he is a statesman and global legend almost without compere.
Robert Mugabe was probably regarded as the finest freedom fighter since Che Guevara. A charismatic man who could whip up the fervor of any crowd, he went through several personal deprivations in order to ensure that Zimbabwe was free from the shackles of Ian Smith's Rhodesia and was globally regarded when he accomplished this (except in the UK, perhaps). Yet it didn't take long for him to slip down the slope of extra-judicial killings, corruption and nepotism. Today, Mugabe has lost his entire store of goodwill in the international community. His death, whenever it comes, will likely be greeted with more cheers than tears.
The legacies of these two are pretty clear-cut. The third man on my list - Emeka Ojukwu - confounds and confounds totally.
Emeka Ojukwu was buried in Nnewi, Southeast Nigeria, today. An Oxford-educated, silver-tongued orator and Army officer who led the breakaway Republic of Biafra when it seceded from Nigeria in 1967 until its collapse in 1970, Ojukwu and his legacy is a topic that has provoked many a heated discussion in Nigeria from then till now.
Robert Mugabe.
Emeka Ojukwu.
All freedom fighters. Men who are revered by their followers. Men who at their peak were hated but importantly, respected by their enemies. Men who impacted their countries and indeed, the world. What is their legacy?
Nelson Mandela had to be hospitalized last week and was treated to a hero's welcome upon his return home. The eulogies that have poured in for him - even in life - exceed those of several statesmen who have passed on. You can imagine that his death, whenever that is, will be mourned globally. Yet this is a man who at the height of his freedom fighting was plotting to blow up installations and destroy the country's economy in a bid to end apartheid. Today, he is a statesman and global legend almost without compere.
Robert Mugabe was probably regarded as the finest freedom fighter since Che Guevara. A charismatic man who could whip up the fervor of any crowd, he went through several personal deprivations in order to ensure that Zimbabwe was free from the shackles of Ian Smith's Rhodesia and was globally regarded when he accomplished this (except in the UK, perhaps). Yet it didn't take long for him to slip down the slope of extra-judicial killings, corruption and nepotism. Today, Mugabe has lost his entire store of goodwill in the international community. His death, whenever it comes, will likely be greeted with more cheers than tears.
The legacies of these two are pretty clear-cut. The third man on my list - Emeka Ojukwu - confounds and confounds totally.
Emeka Ojukwu was buried in Nnewi, Southeast Nigeria, today. An Oxford-educated, silver-tongued orator and Army officer who led the breakaway Republic of Biafra when it seceded from Nigeria in 1967 until its collapse in 1970, Ojukwu and his legacy is a topic that has provoked many a heated discussion in Nigeria from then till now.
Friday, February 3, 2012
Unity without Understanding - A Logical Fallacy
PREAMBLE
Those who follow my writings and comments on twitter, Sahara Reporters and this blog are well aware of my mantra: "Nigeria, nay Africa, cannot progress without holding a National Conference".
Some have been upset by my insistence on this point, in particular those who envision a conference where different groups complain and drag up shameful aspects from the past that vested interests would rather see silenced.
Others who are focused on their personal "unity" and "power to the people" projects may - understandably -be concerned that the reopening of old wounds and the potential realignment of 'progressive' forces along tribal-religious fault lines may spell doom for their 'vision'.
Regardless of the reason for avoiding the debate, opponents of independent African nations holding sovereign national conferences are proving to be as blind to the real issues that plague the continent as the leaders they take joy in castigating, reprimanding and upbraiding.
I will use Nigeria - as I often do - as my case study here, but the lessons and suggestions are equally applicable to any African country that has not had a citizen body gather to answer the age-old question that has bothered many a nation - Quo Vadis (Where Do We Go)?
Those who follow my writings and comments on twitter, Sahara Reporters and this blog are well aware of my mantra: "Nigeria, nay Africa, cannot progress without holding a National Conference".
Some have been upset by my insistence on this point, in particular those who envision a conference where different groups complain and drag up shameful aspects from the past that vested interests would rather see silenced.
Others who are focused on their personal "unity" and "power to the people" projects may - understandably -be concerned that the reopening of old wounds and the potential realignment of 'progressive' forces along tribal-religious fault lines may spell doom for their 'vision'.
Regardless of the reason for avoiding the debate, opponents of independent African nations holding sovereign national conferences are proving to be as blind to the real issues that plague the continent as the leaders they take joy in castigating, reprimanding and upbraiding.
I will use Nigeria - as I often do - as my case study here, but the lessons and suggestions are equally applicable to any African country that has not had a citizen body gather to answer the age-old question that has bothered many a nation - Quo Vadis (Where Do We Go)?
Sunday, January 22, 2012
Of Africa and Leadership
I started this blog post with no discernible topic in mind, but with an end goal formulating somewhere in my cerebral complex. Let's take stock of some of the happenings over the last week in the political landscape of the African continent:
- The Ethiopian Prime Minister is stealing land from Ethiopian farmers (at least we could quasi-sympathize with Mugabe in Zimbabwe for taking land from white owners). This one? Not so much...
- The Nigerian President's impotency shows no signs of letting up. It's doubtful that even Cialis will be able to revive this man's flagging fortunes.
- The #OccupyNigeria movement cascaded into a series of pointed fingers, 'betrayals' by certain elements in the Save Nigeria group as well as organized labor (although we expected this, we still expressed our righteous rage).
- Democratic Republic of Congo's Joseph Kabila is using his security forces to tackle opposition to his self-declared 'victory' in November's elections.
What is it with Africa and her leaders?
Friday, January 13, 2012
Boko Haram - A Threat to Occupying Africa
In my post last week, I hinted at the ethno-religious faultline that threatens the total permeation of the #OccupyNigeria movement in the minds of the Nigerian polity. Some have asked me to expand on that idea, while others have forced my hand with their total avoidance of the issue. I'm interested in expantiating further in order to explain why #OccupyNigeria faces greater risks to its success than similar demonstrations in Egypt, Tunisia and Bahrain; countries which have more homogenous populations. The lessons learned from #OccupyNigeria - whether it succeeds or fails - will be important for the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, where tribal and religious faults and the perceptions that come with those go hand in hand with politics. Kenya, South Africa and Uganda are some countries to watch on this front.
Friday, January 6, 2012
#OccupyNigeria. Then What?
This week, Nigerians started doing something they haven't done in several years.
They started pushing back.
This push-back is primarily against a government and a political umbrella (the word "party" or "ideology" does not factor into this monolith's modus operandi) - the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) - which has dominated the political landscape of the Fourth Republic. On a lesser scale, it is also against the political leadership of Nigeria, highlighted by the financial black hole otherwise known as the National Assembly.
That it took this long to happen is not surprising. Recently, Nigerians have proven to be politically passive until government policies hit their pocketbooks. We can live with fraudulent elections, government corruption and the rape of justice; but make sure food and fuel prices stay the same! Ergo, the removal of the fuel subsidy - a move that makes perfect sense on paper but none whatsoever to a citizen living on $2 a day - was the perfect catalyst for such action.
Not since the annulment of the 1993 elections has there been such a concerted wave of uprisings and civil mass action; welcome development for a country that was beginning to look like its citizens were completely apathetic and willing to roll over for tyrants to trample on in the hopes of being able to "chop one day".
In the midst of this upheaval and social media-driven activism, there are some troubling developments as well as questions that need answering. These include the silence of the nation's religious leaders, the two-faced approach of organized labor and the geopolitical polarization/stratification of the mass action. Until these imbalances are reversed, the #OccupyNigeria movement will not gain the traction it requires to work.
They started pushing back.
This push-back is primarily against a government and a political umbrella (the word "party" or "ideology" does not factor into this monolith's modus operandi) - the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) - which has dominated the political landscape of the Fourth Republic. On a lesser scale, it is also against the political leadership of Nigeria, highlighted by the financial black hole otherwise known as the National Assembly.
That it took this long to happen is not surprising. Recently, Nigerians have proven to be politically passive until government policies hit their pocketbooks. We can live with fraudulent elections, government corruption and the rape of justice; but make sure food and fuel prices stay the same! Ergo, the removal of the fuel subsidy - a move that makes perfect sense on paper but none whatsoever to a citizen living on $2 a day - was the perfect catalyst for such action.
Not since the annulment of the 1993 elections has there been such a concerted wave of uprisings and civil mass action; welcome development for a country that was beginning to look like its citizens were completely apathetic and willing to roll over for tyrants to trample on in the hopes of being able to "chop one day".
In the midst of this upheaval and social media-driven activism, there are some troubling developments as well as questions that need answering. These include the silence of the nation's religious leaders, the two-faced approach of organized labor and the geopolitical polarization/stratification of the mass action. Until these imbalances are reversed, the #OccupyNigeria movement will not gain the traction it requires to work.
Friday, December 30, 2011
Reading for the Nigerian Progressive
I recently mentioned an interest in getting more Nigerians to read books detailing the history of the nation in a bid to help them understand the hidden and not-so-hidden issues that continue to stifle growth in the country. A couple of people responded with requests for books that I would recommend, hence this blog.
It is my belief that only in understanding our past - the good, the bad and the ugly - can we develop the lessons learned required to improve our present and secure our future. Unfortunately, our present leaders don't read or read without understanding. If this were not the case, we would not have rigged elections, a flawed judiciary, a comatose legislature and an impotent executive arm of government.
This incompetence in government is highlighted by short memories in the polity, and that complex African tendency to "respect" those who lead us. Let us step away from these mental shackles and start using our intellect to challenge those who have failed to earn the right to rule.
Others may have their own favorites, but I hope these 5 book selections juggle memories and re-awaken the fires of nationalism and progression that lie dormant in the hearts of many a Nigerian.
It is my belief that only in understanding our past - the good, the bad and the ugly - can we develop the lessons learned required to improve our present and secure our future. Unfortunately, our present leaders don't read or read without understanding. If this were not the case, we would not have rigged elections, a flawed judiciary, a comatose legislature and an impotent executive arm of government.
This incompetence in government is highlighted by short memories in the polity, and that complex African tendency to "respect" those who lead us. Let us step away from these mental shackles and start using our intellect to challenge those who have failed to earn the right to rule.
Others may have their own favorites, but I hope these 5 book selections juggle memories and re-awaken the fires of nationalism and progression that lie dormant in the hearts of many a Nigerian.
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